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The killing of my family haunts me until today

The killing of my family haunts me until today

In a murder series in the years 2008 and 2009 six Roma were killed in Hungary and a few dozen injured. Four Neo-Nazis were identified as the perpetrators and sentenced, however, it was never clear, if there werent other people involved. The testimony from Ildiko Györgyne Jakab sheds light on the devastating consequences and the PTSD people suffer still today.

I would like to tell you about my family and what happened to us. It was 23 February 2009 when my family was attacked by four Neonazis in our home in Tatárszentgyörgy in Hungary. They set the house on fire and when my family was fleeing the fire, they started to shoot at them. My grandson Robika and his daddy, also called Robert were murdered. My granddaughter Bianka managed to escape the attack but was seriously wounded by shotgun pellets.

In Tatárszentgyörgy other Neonazis marched through the village only two years before the killings and wanted all Roma to leave Tatárszentgyörgy. And the four Neonazis came to Tatárszentgyörgy to kill Robi and Robika and destroy our life, because of this march and because the group that organized the march was later banned.

And we were not the only Roma who were attacked in these days. The attacks and killings lasted for around a year. The Neonazi gang killed in these days Roma in other places too.

In the village of Tarnabod the Neonazi gang attacked a few houses around half a year before we were attacked in September 2008. After these attacks Roma were locked up and they were only released after the real perpetrators got into custody.

When such terrible crimes like the killings are committed against us Roma people, the police believes that are other Roma are the culprits, that the families had a fight or that money sharks are behind the attacks.

Family photo of the Nagy family / Tibor Nagy and his wife photographed at a famil event on a happy day as Tibor Nagy later mentioned. “It was a happy day and we were together.” Tibor Nagy lost is wife and brother during a raid on their house in Nagycsecs (Hungary).
Photo by Balázs Turay

When Robi and Robika were killed, the local police was first saying that the fire was caused by electric malfunction and members of the local police urinated the footprints at the house in Tatárszentgyörgy. The police started to investigate this case in a serious way only after Viktória Mohácsi intervened. She is a Romani woman from Hungary and was a Member of the European Parliament. Nobody ever apologised to us for what happened. No high-ranking politician in the years since the killing ever looked into my eyes and apologised for not being able to protect my family. Only this should have been told us.

We never received any psychological help or assistance. We are hunted by this tragedy even today and we will never forget what happened to us and can never forget it.

The Hungarian government provided financial aid for the affected families and we are grateful for it. My daughter then was able to pay her bank loan and all of us got temporarily relieved. We could move to a home close to my daughter’s as we bought a house from this financial aid. It is very important for us to live close to each other.

But we didn’t receive long-term aid. The mental or the health status of all the families of the victims of the attacks by the Neonazi gang is bad. People still suffer and all of us have problems making our living.

I wish this tragedy would have never happened and Robi and Robika would be still with us. Why is so much hate in this world? I do not wish to anybody that they have to go through what we went through and I wish that there will be peace and justice in this world.

We suffer from PTSD and the killings and the attacks are always with us and I know that other survivors and their immediate family members, even whole communities still struggle to deal with the attacks and the consequences. We would need rehabilitation programmes tailored to fit our individual needs. We are all in a bad mental health situation and struggle in our daily life anyhow to make our living. Some of us survivors died already and left their families with all the pain that they could not help them. Only a few came back to a normal life.

However, living with PTSD is an endless journey: it can happen any day that you are completely crushed by paralyzing headache and emotional distress triggered by memories, voices, and imagery related to the events. Without a stable household, a safe and supporting environment, access to quality education for our children, meaningful jobs for and healthcare programme with experienced mental health experts it is impossible to have a decent life again with PTSD.

Renata Jakab, Tatarszentgyorgy, 2010 (Rentata lost her son Robika and partner Robi in an attack on their house in Tatarszentgyorgy (Hungary)
Photo by Balázs Turay

Written by: Ildiko Györgyne Jakab & Balázs Turay

 

Transitional Justice tools to address historically rooted antigypsyism in Europe

Transitional Justice tools to address historically rooted antigypsyism in Europe

CHACHIPEN Strategic Visioning Exercise
How can transitional justice tools address historically rooted antigypsyism? What can we learn from transitional justice experiences with truth and reconciliation commissions around the globe? What could be applied and to which chapters of the dark history of antigypsyism? These and other topical questions have been addressed during the Strategic Visioning Exercise convened by CEPS.

The event brought together leading scholars and practitioners working on Roma, transitional justice tools, anti-racism and non-discrimination around the world. This hybrid event took place on 23 June 2022, as part of the CHACHIPEN project.

This event outlined the existing potential as well as the key areas for further deliberation on how exactly to approach European Roma transitional justice mechanisms. For instance, ideas have been shared on how to go about the complexity of the EU institutional system. The participants have stressed the need for consensus building within and among European Roma civil society, academia, other wider civil society networks human rights and other international bodies. The participants highlighted the role of research, knowledge co-creation and education, as to recognise and acknowledge the past. In this context, the participants have reached the consensus on the importance of testimonies of victims and survivors, that they are the ones to be at the core of any transitional justice initiative.

 

Please find the full summary by Viktoria Schnick and Lina Vosyliūtė, here.

 

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Truth and Reconciliation Process to Address Antigypsyism in Europe

This Brief presents and summarizes the key findings and policy recommendations based on the four CHACHIPEN Country Reports covering Germany, Romania, Sweden, and Spain. It highlights commonalities and differences between these EU member states, draws lessons learned, and makes recommendations for future EU policy interventions. This Brief also takes into account the key findings resulting from the Strategic Visioning Exercise that took place on 23 June 2022 as part of the CHACHIPEN project.

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IHRA – International Conference on the Genocide of the Roma and Combating Antigypsyism

IHRA – International Conference on the Genocide of the Roma and Combating Antigypsyism

Members of the CHACHIPEN project attended the 'International Conference on the Genocide of the Roma and Combating Antigypsyism', hosted by the Swedish Presidency of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) in Stockholm, 20-21 October 2022. Read more about the conference below and in the Summary Report (pdf).

The conference addressed, among others, historical perspectives on antigypsyism, the role of education in combating antigypsyism today, and issues regarding testimonies and recognition. With its focus on the question how the lack of recognition of the Holocaust of the Roma and Sinti has and continues to contribute to prejudices and discrimination still experienced by many Roma and Sinti today, and the purpose of bringing together researchers and experts to discuss ways to combat antigypsyism, the conference was closely connected to the core topics and objectives of the CHACHIPEN project.

This is also depicted in some of the key takeaways (please find a more detailed overview in the Summary Report (pdf) on the left). The participants of the conference discussed and called for:

  • Continued exchange, stock-taking and networking,
  • Remembrance and memorialisation,
  • Research,
  • Education,
  • Recognition,
  • Combatting antigypsyism, and
  • Inclusion, participation and empowerment.

These objectives and demands are closely aligned with the work of the CHACHIPEN project and its previous and future outcomes and events. The CHACHIPEN project was also represented in the conference, both in itself and through various members of the CHACHIPEN board, namely Ms Anabel Carballo, Ms Soraya Post, Mr Jonathan Mack and Ms Mirjam Karoly.

Ms. Anabel Carballo (CHACHIPEN project, Spain) spoke on behalf of the CHACHIPEN project in a panel discussion on processes on recognition of antigypsyism. In addition to outlining the key objectives of the CHACHIPEN project, Ms Carballo also provided insights into the current situation in Spain regarding matters of memory and reconciliation.

Ms Soraya Post (former Swedish MEP) gave an introductory speech, pointing out the great importance of the work with the Holocaust of the Roma and Sinti for combating antigypsyism, especially in today’s political situation with rising right-wing extremism in many countries.

Mr Jonathan Mack (Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, Germany) chaired a panel discussion on recognition, terminology and remembrance, reflecting on various perspectives on the use of different terms for the fate of Roma and Sinti during the Second World War and the question why recognition still matters.

Ms Mirjam Karoly (IHRA expert, Vienna Wiesenthal Institute for Holocaust Studies, Austria) participated in the final panel of the conference, which outlined possible key takeaways and pointed out future steps to promote research, education and remembrance of the genocide of the Roma and Sinti further.

Please find the Summary Report (pdf) on the left.

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Roma from Mitrovica in Kosovo.

Roma from Mitrovica in Kosovo.

Displaced, poisoned, ignored. Justice denied by United Nations
After the end of the war in Kosovo, in June 1999, up to 100.000 Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians were forced to flee their homes. The Fabrička Mahala neighbourhood in the town of Mitrovicë/Mitrovica in north of Kosovo was a lively place with up to 8.000 inhabitants until it was attacked, burnt to the ground on 21 June 1999. People were killed and thousands were expelled while international "peacekeepers" belonging to the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR) stood by and watched. The United Nations set up temporary camps for the expelled people. Originally planned for three months, Roma were forced to stay in these camps for years. On toxic grounds. Only in 2013, after thirteen years of exposure to lead contamination the last camp has been closed.

“I don’t know how much lead was in my blood, I just remember that in the camp my children used to take pills that they gave us, but since we came back there’s no-one looking after us and no-one has done any tests on my children … I didn’t know who to ask to test my children and I’m sick myself and can’t do anything.”

Fetija S., a widow with 10 children, has no idea how badly she, her late husband and her children were poisoned by their exposure to perhaps the most toxic environment in Europe, the lead-contaminated land next to the Trepca Mine complex in Mitrovicë/Mitrovica on Kosovo where Roma fleeing violence in post-war Kosovo found temporary shelter.

Drton C. tells a similar story.  He and his family spent over 10 years in camps in Mitrovicë/Mitrovica.  Whenever the wind blew he breathed in airborne dust particles and swallowed them.  He remembers a prickling sensation, “like something walking over me, like an ant”, as well as a pain in his stomach that he says was like something moving around inside him.

“My children had headaches and stomach pains, vomiting and very high fever. They were very weak and dizzy, they could hardly raise their arms.”

Fetija S. and Drton C. and their families are members of the Roma, Ashkali and Balkan Egyptians from the Fabrička Mahala neighbourhood in Mitrovicë/Mitrovica who were forced out of their homes in June 1999.

Hundreds of residents found refuge in emergency accommodation set up by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in the Žitkovac/Zitkovc, Kablare/Kablar and Cesmin Lug/Llugë and Leposavić/Leposaviq/ IDP camps.

The first three camps were built on land polluted with heavy metals, including lead, arsenic and cadmium at concentrations many times higher than nationally and internationally permitted limits. The camp in Leposavić/Leposaviq was a one-room hangar not suitable to host families.

In the camps, a limited effort was made to provide remedial nutrition as Drton C. states, “they gave us food, in the same way they would feed dogs.” The families had to return their empty juice cartons before they would be given their next ration. And then after they were rehoused, “nobody gave us any aid or medicine.”

The United Nations were from the year 2000 on, fully aware of the high level of lead contamination in the camps and the area around. The UN took precautious measures for its staff but didn’t inform the Roma living in these camps who continued to be exposed to poisoning for more years.

In 2004, Roma activists brought for the first time, cases symptomatic of lead poisoning among the children living in the camps to the attention of the authorities and the media. The World Health Organization (WHO) tested the same year, children and warned about the chronic irreversible effects of lead on the human body and urged UNMIK to immediately evacuate children and pregnant women from the camps.

In 2004 the death of a young girl in Žitkovac/Zitkovc, Jenita Mehmeti, was blamed on lead poisoning.

Blood tests of children in 2006 revealed in some analyses that lead levels went above the amount which could be measured.

In 2006, UNMIK relocated 560 camp residents from Žitkovac/Zitkovc, Kablare/Kablar and Cesmin Lug/Llugë to Osterode camp, a former army barracks almost next door to the Cesmin Lug/Llugë camp.

Osterode was overlooked by waste heaps from a shut-down lead smelting plant. Every breeze carried toxic dust into the camp. While the other camps were gradually closed down until 2010, Osterode camp was closed only in 2013.

Drton C., pictured sitting with his wife in front of his house in south Mitrovica.
Photo by Argentina  Gidzic. 

The warning of WHO on the long-term, chromic consequences became reality for many of the former camp inhabitants.

Fetija S. has never had a full medical examination, but she knows that she’s unwell. “I’m not well, I have a heart condition and blood pressure problems. I have difficulty breathing.”  She has to care for her children who suffer from a range of medical conditions.

In 2016, the UN Human Rights Advisory Panel found that United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) had violated the victims’ rights to life and health and recommended that the organisation should “take appropriate steps towards payment of adequate compensation”. The United Nations, however, didn’t only fail to pay compensation, they didn’t even apologise until today.

Drton C. picking up aluminium cans to sell for recycling. 
Photo by Argentina Gidzic.

Fetija S. struggles to cope with the hardships of poverty.  She rummages through piles of garbage in order to be able to feed her children – otherwise it’s a choice between buying food or paying the heating bill. 

Like Fetija S., Drton C. struggles to make ends meet.  “Everything is so expensive and we don’t have enough money even for everyday groceries and bread.” And when the money you earn from collecting empty Coca Cola cans and selling them on to an aluminum recycler (3 euros for a day’s work) is just enough to buy bread, you can’t afford the medical treatment you know you need.  “That’s how my young brother Vebi died and left 3 children and a wife.”

In 2017, the Society for Threatened People surveyed the long-term health effects reported by 50 families (including 213 children). Interviewees reported a long list of symptoms including neurological disorders, impaired immune systems, kidney and heart disease, respiratory disorders, impaired motor skills, memory problems, etc. The survey also recorded the long-term impact of illness and neglect – educational under-achievement, reduced employment prospects, poverty and discrimination.

Organisations and journalists promised to bring aid and even resettle them in another country, “but they never came back”. After the families were rehoused they were told that they would be seen by a doctor in the village, but “they let us down, like everybody else.” Four members of D.C.’s family – his father, mother, brother and niece – died with symptoms of lead poisoning: respiratory problems, vomiting blood and cancer. Drton C. has a cancerous growth on his hand that needs to be removed but he can’t pay for an operation.

If it would have been for individual activists and human rights organisations, the fate of the Roma, Ashkali and Egyptians exposed to lead poisoning by the United Nations would have gone unnoticed. However, even with the attention the activists and organisations could raise, justice remained undone. People have died, people still suffer and United Nations doesn’t assume the responsibility it carries and disregards the findings of its own body, the UN Human Rights Advisory Panel.

Fetija S. with her son in front of her house in south Mitrovica.
Photo by Argentina Gidzic.

Written by: Argentina Gidžić, Owen Beith, Jasna Causevic (Society for Threatened Peoples (STP), Germany)

The Skočić massacre

The Skočić massacre

“Against all odds—story of Zijo Ribic”

God wanted me to survive, to have someone tell the story.

This is the story of Zijo Ribić who was eight years old when his childhood and previous life in the village of Skočić ended and he lost six sisters, a brother, his pregnant mother and his father,. However, Zijio miraculously survived, but his suffering continued. Still today, 30 years later, Zijo is fighting for justice for his killed family and for all killed members of the Roma community of Skočić. No one has been brought to justice for this massacre.

During the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992-1995, several massacres and mass murders were committed. The most horrendous massacre had happened in Srebrenica in July 1995, when the members of 10th diversion squad of the Army of Republic of Srpska killed more than 8 thousand Muslims.

Three years before, in the night between 12th and 13th July 1992, Serbian paramilitary forces committed another massacre in the village of Skočić, near Zvornik, only about 50km away from Srebrenica. They killed 27 members of the local Roma community, among them 9 children and abducted three women who were raped and kept as sex slaves for more than six months. However, one boy of the age of nearly eight years survived the massacre.

“I was almost eight years old when it all happened, in ‘92. We lived in Skočić, worked and all. We were all equal, there weren’t these nations like today. We even had our own land, we were into agriculture and all…”

Zijo Ribić, whose childhood was cut short by war and loss, starts his story with those words.

Before the war, in Skočić lived Roma, Muslims and Serbs together. However, already with the start of the war, in April 1992, units of the Territorial Defense and Serb paramilitaries started to attack people of Muslim belief in the municipality of Zvornik and established a terror regime. Many people were killed, others were tortured in camps while others could flee or were expelled.

The small Roma community in Skočić remained and was hiding in the village. On 12th July 1992, a paramilitary unit by the name “Sima’s Chetniks” arrived in Skočić. The unit was under the patronage of the Territorial Defense of Zvornik municipality. The members of the paramilitary unit had decided to come to the village mosque in the center of the village and blew it up. However, that wasn’t enough for them. They proceeded to enter the yard of one of the houses, where all Roma from the village had hid. They killed one man in the yard, beaten the others, raped the women, and stole their belongings .

The 30 Roma were put on a truck and driven to a neighboring village.

There, they separated the three girls, and took the remaining 27 men, women and children to a place named Hamzići. An already dug pit had been waiting for them.

The 27 men, women and children were forced to get off the truck and members of “Sima’s Chetniks” shot them, stabbed some of them, and threw the bodies into the pit.

Zijo remembers the most horrifying time of his life: “When we arrived at the pit, they took us out of the truck, one by one, and there they also beat us, and did other stuff too. My mom came out, also with my brother, and I was crying, begging for my mother, and then they said: “Okay, now you will go to her, “and one specific blonde woman, that everyone called Dragana, she took me by the hand and said: “You’ll go to your mother now, don’t cry”. She put me in front of the truck and told me to stay still. Then I heard a gunshot and felt a stab of a knife to my neck. I don’t know how… To this day I still wonder how and why, um, but simply, at that moment, it was like I was dead. They also thought I was dead. Then they took me and threw me down with the corpses. A minute passed, two, five maybe, I got up, saw I was on the corpses, I think, it was dark, I felt and saw the people there. I heard commotion up there. A gunshot”.

In this night Zijo’s father, his six sisters, his mother who was 9-months pregnant, and his two-year-old brother, Sabrija, who was held in his mother’s arms, were killed.

He, to this day, still wonders how he managed to climb over the dead bodies, out of the pit and to run away.

“But I managed it to climb over the corpses, to make it out and, through the little patch of the forest that was there, I escaped and came upon a house that was run-down, looted. There I slept in a box. Once I woke up, in the morning, that’s when I noticed that my hair was bloody, already stiff, and that my left arm was wounded.

I got out of the house and walked through the village, where I saw smoke and started going to where it came from. I stumbled upon two soldiers, back then still from the Yugoslav People’s Army, who took me in, gave me food, and took me to wash up. They asked me what had happened, I was silent. Then, we left for the ambulance.”

Zijo was transported to the hospital in Zvornik, where he stayed for almost two years, before he was  transferred to a children’s home in Montenegro. Zijo stayed there until 2001, then he moved to Tuzla.

However, trauma and horrors he endured, even with many years of therapy, have stayed as constant companions. He was tortured most by the fact he didn’t knew where the remains of his whole family are, as well as knowing the people guilty of mass murdering his family and neighbors are still not brought to justice.

“In 2006, I heard about Mrs. Nataša Kandić from Humanitarian Law Center based in Belgrade. Mrs. Nataša came, took a statement from me and so on. In 2010, I received that summon to court there, and then I said—here is some hope for the fight for justice”.

The War Crimes Chamber in Belgrade indicted eight members of the “Sima’s Chetniks”, The leader of the group, Sima Bogdanović died during the court proceedings that seven members had to appear in front of court.

Three Roma women who survived the captivity and the abuse appeared as protected witnesses in the court proceeding and testified.

In February 2013, the court convicted the 7 defendants. Two maximum sentences of 20 years each were imposed, two sentences of 10 years each, one sentence was 5 and one was 2 years.

However, in 2014, the Court of Appeals overturned the verdict of the first instance, even with racist statements against Roma and returned it for retrial.

At that moment, Zijo had a feeling it was all over. No chance left for justice. Still, with help and support from the Humanitarian Law Center attorneys, he made the decision to keep fighting for justice.

“Mostly because of my relatives, because of my friends, neighbors… I thought that some of them also found that peace, but, here, they were convicted and that’s it. However, unfortunately, when I received the second invitation to come, to see … But I said, here is hope”.

During the retrial, the Court of Appeals again wanted to hear the aggrieved, 3 protected witnesses and Zijo. They finally received the second first instance verdict in 2015, which was a shock… It was a verdict that acquitted all the accused on all counts of the indictment.

After this verdict, the prosecution filed an appeal. In 2018, the Court of Appeals ruled again in a way that found three members of Sima’s Chetniks guilty of rape and sexual humiliation and abuse of the injured Alpha, Beta, and Gamma. They released the other three accused, so they were acquitted, this time legally, as it was only a confirmation of the acquittal in relation to the murder of all 27 Roma. This is for now the court epilogue of the trial for this horrific crime that took place in Skočić. So nobody has ever been convicted for the killings of 27 Roma from Skočić.

Zijo felt indescribable disappointment and sadness. It seemed to him that all he endured and presented in the Court, in the presence of his family’s executioners, meant nothing. They’ve received a sentence regarding raping and violence, but there was no proof for killing that many Roma.

As if the massacre didn’t take place. But it did, right before his eight-year-old eyes. He doesn’t give up hope. And he is still looking for justice for his family and all Roma killed in Skočić. He considers go to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, but would need assistance for this step.

His only solace was managing to find the remains of almost all members of his family, except for one sister.

“When they first found  the bodies of 4  of my sisters, it was hard for me, but I’m glad they were found. And that I will now know where they are buried, because now I can go whenever I want, because I know where they are. So, when they found my sister and brother, my heart was, no matter how sad, it was so happy, because I found them too. Another sister has not yet been found, but there is hope. I hope that they will find my last sister and that they will find their peace up there, and I will also find my peace, because I will know that everyone is there, and that I know where they are”.

Now, Zijo works in kindergarten, as a cook. He cooks for children and as he says, “I am now a happy man. Thank God, I now have a daughter and I will do everything I can to bring her up in a way that she can decide who she wants to be. Before that moment, she has to respect another to respect herself, her own people”.

No matter the horror he lived through, Zijo has dedicated his life to promote reconciliation. He emphasizes he doesn’t want to live in hate, in the past.

“When I think of forgiveness, I think there is no more room for hate speech. It doesn’t matter who prays to which God, who wears a cross, who likes the star. We have to try to live in harmony.”

Zijo forgave, but did not forget. He hopes people responsible for the massacre of his family, Roma in his village, but also Roma all over Bosnia and Herzegovina during the war will be brought to justice. Not for his sake alone, but for the eternal peace of the killed.

The graves of Zijo’s family. Pictures by Zijo Ribić and Ramiza Ribić Begić.

Interview/text by: Gordana Nešović  

The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina is a term for armed assault which took place in the territory of today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina from spring 1992 until fall 1995. It is estimated that more than 2.2 million people were displaced during the war, in the most ethnically diverse former Yugoslav republic, and the bloody conflicts ended with the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995. The Demographic Service of the Hague Prosecutor’s Office gave an estimate of human victims in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to this estimate, almost 105,000 people lost their lives as a result of the war. According to the national structure, most of the victims were Muslims, more than 68,000, followed by almost 23,000 Serbs, around 9,000 Croats and almost 5,000 others. Among these 5 thousand others, there are also members of the Roma community, whose number, even after three decades, has not been determined.
Three Roma girls, held in captivity and used as sexual slaves by “Sima’s Chetniks”, have stayed imprisoned until January 1993. During this entire period, those few months, those girls were raped, they were also treated in such a way that they sexually abused them. They made them dance naked on the tables, they made them do literally everything they were told. For any disobedience, they were beaten. And that lasted until they left the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it was January '93, when the unit left Bosnia and then the girls moved to Serbia with them, but then the torture stopped. They were released.

The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina is a term for armed assault which took place in the territory of today's Bosnia and Herzegovina from spring 1992 until fall 1995. It is estimated that more than 2.2 million people were displaced during the war, in the most ethnically diverse former Yugoslav republic, and the bloody conflicts ended with the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995. The Demographic Service of the Hague Prosecutor's Office gave an estimate of human victims in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to this estimate, almost 105,000 people lost their lives as a result of the war. According to the national structure, most of the victims were Muslims, more than 68,000, followed by almost 23,000 Serbs, around 9,000 Croats and almost 5,000 others. Among these 5 thousand others, there are also members of the Roma community, whose number, even after three decades, has not been determined.

Ukrainian Roma under Russian occupation

Ukrainian Roma under Russian occupation

“I had no peace and no hope. I just stood and waited for these people to come and take me”
Rodion Aksyonov with his great-grandmother Varvara after returning from captivity. Photo by Volodymyr Panchenko (April 9, 2022)
Janush Panchenko gives an account of the crimes against Roma by the Russian military in the occupied regions of Ukraine.

The Russian aggressors committed countless severe crimes during the occupation of eastern parts of Ukraine. Roma became victims of these crimes too. The crimes of the Russian occupants committed against Roma didn’t only start in February 2022, but already during the first stage of the Russian military invasion of Ukraine in 2014, cases of antigypsyism appeared. On April 23, 2014, the Ukrainian mass media reported on 7 attacks on Roma homes by Russian forces during one week in Slovyansk (Donetsk region) [[i], [ii]].

Many Roma are still afraid to report about the crimes they or family members or neighbors have endured. Many still have relatives left in the occupied areas and fear repercussions for them. Others aren’t able to talk about it yet or are just afraid.

Sometimes it is difficult to verify reports of severe crimes, since it is not so easy check information from different sources or to get official confirmations in war times. With regard to the following crimes, we could talk with family members or the victim.

Abduction of a young man in Kakhovka. Kakhovka in Kherson region was already fully occupied on February 25, 2022.

19-year-old Rodion Aksyonov was kidnapped March 12, 2022 and was kept in detention for eight days. He was riding his bicycle from Kakhovka to Nova Kakhovka to visit his girl-friend. At a Russian checkpoint, soldiers asked for his passport. The boy did not have a passport with him and was detained:

“They put a bag over my head, and took me to Nova Kakhovka, I was there for five days. We were forced to work, we dug pits, buried the bodies and remains of Russian and Ukrainian soldiers. We worked very hard, from early morning until late at night. People who did not want to work were brutally beaten”.

Rodion was held for 5 days in police station of Nova Kakhovka. And then the military took him to Kherson:

“Then I was taken to Kherson, here Russian soldiers questioned me about who organizes anti-Russian rallies in Kherson, as well as where the Ukrainian military is located, who has weapons in the town, but I did not know all this. I was held in Kherson for three days, and then the Russian military took us back to Kakhovka and released us there”.

The Russians brought Rodion to Kherson on March 18, at the same time the well-known Ukrainian journalist Oleh Baturin was already in captivity there, we talked with him about Rodion:

“Rodion was brought to this place on Friday. I could not see him, because we were in different cells, it seems to me that all prisoners were in solitary confinement. <…> It was hard not to remember him [Rodion], because on his first day he behaved very emotionally. His knocking on the doors of the detention center and shouting irritated the guards and those who were in this place. And they [Russians] answered him very aggressively. The Russians treated everyone aggressively, but he annoyed them the most, because he screamed and knocked for a long time, including at night. But the next day, he already behaved more calmly, and the guards began to react to him more calmly”.

Oleh also spoke about the situation in the isolation ward:

“I do not remember that the Russians brought any official charges against any of the prisoners. It all had the character of terror, absolute chaos. They just beat and tortured the captured Ukrainian servicemen. I did not see any logic in their actions, they did what they wanted. For example, they wanted to mock the prisoners, they went into the cell to me, or to other prisoners, and began to mock”.

After Rodion had disappeared, his grandmother Sofia several times asked the Russian military whether they were holding her grandson or whether they had any information about the boy:

“We immediately thought that maybe the soldiers had taken him, so I went to the Russian checkpoint in the town, showed the soldiers a photo of Rodion, and asked if they had him. The first time, the soldier told me that Rodion was with them and that in order for them to let him go, I had to bring them his passport. I returned home to get the documents, but when I came back to the checkpoint another soldier was already there and he said that they don’t have Rodion. So, I went to the Russians many times, every day, asked to let my grandson go, but each time I received a different answer. <…> There were rumors among the neighbors that they saw Rodion’s shot body in the forest, people said different things, we didn’t know where he disappeared to” (Sofia, Rodion’s grandmother).

Rodion Aksyonov with his great-grandmother Varvara after returning from captivity. Photo by Volodymyr Panchenko (April 9, 2022)
Rodion Aksyonov with his great-grandmother Varvara after returning from captivity.
Photo by Volodymyr Panchenko (April 9, 2022)

A month later, at the same checkpoint, Roma activist, Volodymyr Panchenko, was detained. While crossing Russian checkpoints, the occupying army regularly checks the phones of civilians: they check photos, conversations in instant messengers, etc. Residents of the Kherson region usually deleted all unwanted dialogs and files from the phone before leaving the house. But sometimes people forgot to do this, which caused civilians to fall into Russian captivity. A similar situation happened at Volodymyr, on April 15, he crossed the Russian checkpoint on public transport. During the check of the bus passengers, Volodymyr was found to have disrespectful messages about Russian soldiers, after this he was taken off the bus by the soldiers:

 “At first, I felt normal in a conversation with the soldiers, more or less, but then, I heard a call and a Russian soldier said “come, there is a guy with a telephone, he has something interesting, come take him”. After that, I had no peace and no hope. I just stood and waited for these people to come and take me, and I didn’t even know where they would take me. This soldier called several more times to take me, but no one came”.

Vladimir was more fortunate than Rodion, he was released after 9 hours of detention.

Volodymyr Panchenko during the distribution of humanitarian aid to Roma old people.
Photo by Janush Panchenko (May, 2022)

Disappearance of Vasyl Lebedev in Lysychansk. Vasyl Lebedev, known among the Donbas Roma by the nickname “Baron” lived in the town of Lysychansk (Luhansk region). According to his relatives, Baron was taken away by Russian forces on August 1 and despite searching for him that they couldn’t get in contact with him in the following months.

“Baron was taken away on August 1, he was taken directly from his house, after that we did not see him. We tried to find him, made inquiries both in the Luhansk region and in Rostov [Rostov-on-Don], they [Russian police] told us that he was alive, but they did not show him. We asked them to let us see him even for a minute, or record his voice, but it was all useless. Russian police say he is alive and he is in Lysychansk. We are also sure that he is alive, but he is very sick” (female, Luhansk region).

His relatives later found a man who stated that he was interned together with Vasyl.

He told us that Baron was beaten very badly, they are forcing him to take on some big criminal case, but Baron refuses to take on crimes, in which he is forcibly accused.

In December 2022, Baron was still kept in detention and his relatives were still not allowed taking up direct contract with him.

Shooting of a Roma family in Makiivka. On December 6, 2022, a brutal murder was committed in the temporarily occupied town of Makiivka (Donetsk region) – eight members of a Roma family were shot. Three of the killed were children – nine, eight and one year old. All members of the family were killed with shots to the head, and in total about forty shots were fired.

December 28, the local channel of the Russian occupation forces in Makiivka published a report that the local police had allegedly arrested the killers. Apparently, they turned out to be three local residents of the town. The suspects confessed to the crime. The purpose of the murder was, allegedly, robbery of property.

Close relatives of the victims tell some details of the murder:

“These people [victims] were working in Moscow, they were not at home for a long time, they came to Makiivka for the New Year. They arrived two days before they were killed. The children were at home all the time, and the elders were at work [in Moscow]. One son returned home from a dinner with friends around 9 o’clock in the evening and found his family killed. One son remained alone. His family, his sisters, parents, children, his wife, 25-years-old boy, he was left alone”.

“The daughter-in-law with the 9-year-old child was found shot in the bedroom. I think she wanted to escape with the child through the window, but the windows are covered with bars. They did not manage to escape, they were killed in the bedroom, the daughter-in-law and the child, a 9-year-old boy”.

The Roma of Makiivka say that the killers were soldiers of the occupation army, and the Russian police are hiding the real killers:

“This was done by the military national guard of the DPR, they came and shot the family, believe me, it was done by the military. These people came in military uniform”.

One of the residents of Makiivka, who managed to leave the town in the meantime agrees to it:

“The police cover the soldiers, the soldiers did it, I went through it myself, they abused my family”.

There are more reports on killings, abductions or violence against Roma in the temporary occupied areas. 3 April 2022, Russian occupants killed in Izyum, Charkiv region, the representative of the local Roma community when he refused to support the occupants.

End of November 2022, the Ukrainian Defence Ministry Intelligence published an alleged intercepted conversation of a Russian soldier with his wife in which he says that Russian military police allegedly shot 28 Roma. We interviewed Roma of Luhansk and Donetsk regions, but they didn’t know about this killing. So, this possible crime requires further investigation.

There are also reports from Roma from Mariupol or other locations which were under heavy fire from Russian forces on how they survived and how they have managed to escape the horror [[iii]].

Many crimes aren’t known yet to the public. Unfortunately, we will learn about more crimes only after the liberation of all Ukrainian territories occupied by Russia.

 

Written by: Janush Panchenko

[i]. In Slovyansk, armed people rob the Roma: https://www.segodnya.ua/regions/donetsk/v-slavyanske-vooruzhennye-separatisty-grabyat-romov-515066.html [in Russian]

[ii]. Roma diaspora in Donetsk region claims pogroms of their families: www.youtube.com/watch?v=O719d2imoSg&ab_channel=%D0%94%D0%BE%D0%BD%D0%B1%D0%B0%D1%8124 [in Russian]

[iii]. Romani Voices from Hell: Discrimination, Epidemic, War: https://adcmemorial.org/en/publications/romani-voices-from-hell-discrimination-epidemic-war/ [in English]

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Simona Tomášová

Simona Tomášová

The legal battle in the Stanislav Tomáš case continues. While nothing can bring him back to life, his sister Simona says the family will never give up on justice.
Interview with the Simona Tomášová, sister of Stanislav Tomáš, a Romani man who died either during or immediately after police intervened against him in the North Bohemian town of Teplice, Czech Republic, in June 2021.

In June 2021, a Romani man named Stanislav Tomáš died either during or immediately after police intervened against him in the North Bohemian town of Teplice, Czech Republic. A bystander happened to film police officers kneeling on him as he was handcuffed, resulting in a video that is very reminiscent of the fatal intervention by officers against George Floyd, an African-American, in the USA.  

An investigation by the Czech General Inspectorate of the Security Forces concluded that the intervention by the police was not connected to the death of Mr. Tomáš; according to an expert assessment, the cause of death was heart failure and Mr. Tomáš had been intoxicated with methamphetamine. The intervention itself, however, sparked a wave of criticism by both Czech and international organizations, and in a report on the investigation of that intervention, then-Deputy Public Defender of Rights Monika Šimůnková said the officers committed errors by not monitoring Mr. Tomáš’s state of health and not calling an ambulance in time. His death raised many questions and sparked Europe-wide protests of solidarity by Romani people and their allies demanding the thorough investigation of his death. 

The bereaved family members decide to seek protection through the courts with the aid of their legal representative. They have not been successful so far in the Czech courts which, at different levels, have rejected their lawsuit, and currently the case is before the justices of the Czech Constitutional Court. If the bereaved will not find protection there, the case will head to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.

The interview below was conducted with the sister of Stanislav Tomáš, Ms. Simona Tomášová, and with Miroslav Brož of the Konexe organization, which has long been aiding the bereaved after the tragedy. The interview took place in the apartment where Simona lives with her ailing mother and is her sole caretaker.

 

Q: Ms. Simona, your brother died a year and a half ago. How are you doing?

Simona: Right now, when everything is getting more expensive, including food and medicines, it’s difficult to get by on a low income. Fortunately, my mother and I are both healthy, overall – she has her illness, but it’s not getting any worse. We’re happy that we have a decent place to live, many Romani people do not have such luck. We are grateful to Mr. Brož and Konexe for that.

Miroslav: The credit for that doesn’t belong to us, but to the kind donors who made it possible for us to finance and organize moving Ms. Simona and her mother out of the horrible, overpriced apartment in a dangerous building in the ghetto where they were living at the time of Stanislav’s death. I’m glad we are doing this interview, including for readers in the German-speaking world, because most of our donors were from Germany and this is an opportunity to thank them again.

Simona: We thank you all very much.

Q: You don’t strike me as a “client” and a “social worker”, but as good friends.

Simona: I don’t see Miroslav as a social worker, it’s more like he aids me in communicating with the social workers when we have problems with them. All that we’ve been through has brought us together, some really ugly experiences and some really nice ones, when things turned out well. We managed to organize a dignified funeral for my brother, to arrange new housing and other things. When my brother died, Míra was the first to turn up. He said we were going to need a good lawyer, he offered us one right away, free of charge, and he began to assist us with other things. Soon after that, various other people started turning up and promising us different things, advising us on what to do. I was brokenhearted by my brother’s death and confused by the enormous attention we were getting from all sides, I didn’t know who to believe. When the media attention died down, everybody else disappeared, but Míra and Konexe remained with us.

Miroslav: After Stanislav’s death we began looking for his bereaved relatives and we quickly found them. I contacted Maroš Matyáško, an attorney with the Forum for Human Rights, a legal organization that has long aided impoverished Romani people pro bono and with whom we have been working for a long time. Mr. Matyáško immediately agreed to represent the bereaved family. After that, the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC) generously offered to pay his services. Without the Forum for Human Rights and the ERRC, in my opinion, the case of Stanislav Tomáš would never have even begun. The handling of the case is a consequence of a collaboration among different individuals and organizations who have joined forces. As for the relationship Simona and I have, while I am a social worker by training, our association, Konexe, does not work using the methods that are customarily used by social workers in the Czech Republic, rather, we use the methods of community social work and critical social work. The people whom we help are not “clients” to us, but neighbors in need. I consider Ms. Simona to be a friend of mine who is dealing with serious problems and needs aid.   

Q: What was your cooperation like after you found legal representation?

Simona: It was necessary to arrange and pay for a decent funeral for my brother and to deal with a lot of paperwork around his death. We had to decide if we wanted to let the issue alone so we could have some peace, or whether we would fight in the courts for justice and speak about my brother’s death publicly. Míra explained to us that it wouldn’t be easy and that it would take several years.  Stanislav deserves justice, so we decided to fight.

Miroslav: It was difficult to organize the funeral for Stanislav Tomáš. On the one hand, it was actually quite expensive because we had to wait a long time for a second autopsy and it was necessary to lease a refrigeration box for many days. The extended family and members of the Romani community wanted to see him one last time so we organized a traditional Romani funeral with an open casket, and for that to be possible, we had to pay for the body to be embalmed and prepared. We were aided with covering all of these costs by donors from the Czech Republic, from Scotland, and mainly from Germany.

Simona: Then my mother and I moved out of that wreck in the ghetto.  

Miroslav: After we paid for the funeral, we discovered that some money was left over, and most of the donors agreed we could use it to address the housing situation of Ms. Simona and her mother. They needed a good place from which to fight the legal battle that awaited them. We are also aiding Simona and her mother with other problems they face.

Q:  What kinds of problems?

Miroslav: Simona is caring for her chronically ill, elderly mother 365 days a year, 24 hours a day.  Last summer she had to be away for a couple of weeks. We looked for options for her mother’s care to be provided during that time. Given her diagnosis, that was possible only in a specialized clinic. However, the waiting time to access such clinics is about two years, and naturally it’s all much more complicated when the patient is an impoverished Romani woman. It was quite difficult to find an appropriate facility for short-term hospitalization at the last minute. Ultimately, after a lot of effort, we found a place in a clinic, but then it turned out her mother’s health insurance would not cover the stay and it was necessary to pay EUR 2,000 for it. Fortunately, we again found nice donors who raised that amount among themselves.  

Q:  Do you believe justice will be done in the case of Stanislav Tomáš?

Simona: I really hope it will. I think that if he hadn’t been a poor Romani man, everything would have happened differently, from the police intervention to the investigation. We won’t give up, though. The most important thing is that my mother and I are no longer alone, there are people who take an interest in my brother’s death and are aiding us. I can’t even imagine what would have happened if I’d been alone, if I hadn’t gotten a lawyer free of charge, because I could never afford a lawyer otherwise.

Miroslav: I think it’s exactly as Simona says. For us to see this case through to the end, for the family to get protection from the courts, support for the bereaved is crucial. Konexe does its best to do everything we can, but without the support we receive from abroad, it wouldn’t work.

Q: How do you imagine the case continuing?

Simona: We know from our attorney that the case will probably end up at the international court in Strasbourg and we believe the judgment there will finally favor us. I can’t wait for that day to come. A famous sculptor has offered to produce a beautiful tombstone for my brother, and I am looking forward to that. I know nothing can bring my brother back to life. I do hope, though, that once the truth comes to light, the police will be more cautious in the future, behave differently, maybe that will spare somebody else’s life. 

Miroslav: I don’t want to predict the future, but I have great faith in the family’s legal representative. Simona and her mother can rely on our continued support as well. We’ve come a long way already and I hope the worst is behind us, that we’ve reached the top of the hill that it was so exhausting to climb, and now we can walk down into the valley.

Miroslav Brož of the Konexe organization, which has long been aiding the bereaved after the tragedy.

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Antigypsyism in Romania: Lessons (not) learned

Antigypsyism in Romania: Lessons (not) learned

National Research Report by Iulius Rostas & Ciprian Nodis
This paper by Iulius Rostas and Ciprian Nodis represents an analysis of antigypsyism in Romania. It is part of the CHACHIPEN project, advancing the recognition of, and response to, antigypsyism to achieve justice, equality, non-discrimination, and the full participation of Roma as equal citizens across Europe.

Part one of this report examines historically rooted antigypsyism in Romania as related to Roma slavery and the Roma Holocaust. Part two presents the key manifestations of antigypsyism considered for this research. Part three analyses the most significant policies towards Roma adopted by successive Romanian governments. Finally, Part four presents lessons learned and suggests keys ways forward through the use of transitional justice tools.

The present analysis identifies major gaps in the work of the International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania and the need to update its Final Report. The establishment of the Commission on the Studying of Roma Slavery further indicates that a number of prerequisites can help to advance the agenda on dealing with the Roma past:

  • Involve Roma academics and scholars in Truth and Reconciliation Commissions or expert commissions on thematic topics, specific periods or specific geographic areas;
  • Involve non-Roma academics who are knowledgeable and sensitive to issues of social justice for Roma. Their reputation and moral standing should be impeccable;
  • Archival access, in Romania and other countries, should be ensured by the authorities;
  • Adequate financial resources should be allocated in order to facilitate the work of these commissions;
  • Work closely with Roma NGOs and communities as one of the primary constituencies and audiences of these commissions;
  • The commissions should be followed by structures that supplement its work with additional research and/or by using other transitional justice tools – memorialization, commemoration, legislation adjustments, vetting, compensations, rewriting history textbooks, unofficial truth projects, etc
  • Establishing expert sub-commissions on specific events would lead to more efficiency, rather than having a single commission for the whole history of Roma.

You can access the full report here

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Antigypsyism in Romania: Lessons (not) learned

This paper by Iulius Rostas and Ciprian Nodis represents an analysis of antigypsyism in Romania. It is part of the
CHACHIPEN project, advancing the recognition of, and response to, antigypsyism to
achieve justice, equality, non-discrimination, and the full participation of Roma as
equal citizens across Europe.

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Transitional Justice for Roma in Europe

The Chachipen project has produced this State of the Art Report, along with four country reports providing the evidence and baseline for calls for a larger debate on transitional justice with Roma communities, civil society, external scholars and national and EU policy makers, as well as with regional and international human rights bodies.

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Transitional Justice – Paving the Way for Truth and Reconciliation Processes in Romania

Transitional Justice – Paving the Way for Truth and Reconciliation Processes in Romania

Hybrid Event on 3 March 2023, 9:00 – 14:00 (EET/Bucharest) 08:00 – 13:00 (CET/Brussels)
3 March 2023: Hybrid Roundtable in Bucharest on paving the way for truth and reconciliation processes in Romania, linked to the Romanian CHACHIPEN country report.

The Roundtable is organised by the Fast Forward Association in the framework of the EU funded project CHACHIPEN – Paving the way for Truth and Reconciliation Process to address antigypsyism in Europe: Remembrance, Recognition, Justice and Trust Building, whose aim is to explore feasibility of transitional justice tools to review the gravest human rights violations against Roma as a way to halt ongoing antigypsyism and ensure non-recurrence in the future. In this context, the Roundtable aims to advance the recognition and the response to historically rooted and systemic antigypsyism in Romania and to serve as a build-up process for similar processes across project countries and Europe towards achieving justice, equality, non-discrimination and full participation of Roma as equal citizens across Europe.

More specifically, the event will present the results of the Chachipen national study assessing the steps Romania has taken in implementing the fight against antigypsyism in policy and practice, particularly, in the area of historic reconciliation with the past injustices suffered by Roma in Romania. In addition, the event aims to promote further exchanges and good practices between the project countries; finally, it seeks to build stronger political awareness and will to put in place truth and reconciliation processes and mechanisms at national level.

Please find the draft programme as well as the Romanian CHACHIPEN country by Iulius Rostas and Ciprian Nodis enclosed. 

This event falls within the framework of the European Union’s funded project ‘Paving the way for Truth and Reconciliation Process to address antigypsyism in Europe: Remembrance, Recognition, Justice and Trust-Building’. Project is abbreviated as ‘CHACHIPEN’, meaning ‘truth’ in the Romani language. CHACHIPEN aims to address historically rooted antigypsyism and its legacies by employing transitional justice approaches and tools, such as, for example, truth and reconciliation commissions.

Selected Speakers;

    • Dr Ismael Cortés, member of the Spanish Parliament/ CHACHIPEN Advisory Board Member (online)
    • Ms Soraya Post, the City of Gothenburg, Sweden and former MEP/ CHACHIPEN Advisory Board Member (online)
    • Mr Florin Manole, State Secretary, Vice-Prime Minister’s Office/ CHACHIPEN Advisory Board Member
    • Mr Iulius Rostas, independent expert
    • Ms Beata Olahova, Adviser on Roma and Sinti Issues, OSCE Contact Point for Roma and Sinti Issues (online)
    • Ms Cerasela Banica, State Secretary, National Council for Cambating Discrimination
    • Mr Robert Rustem, Outreach Officer of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, Council of Europe (online)
    • Prof. Lavinia Stan, St. Francis Xavier University in Canada (online)

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The event on 3 March 2023 (from 9.00 to 14.00 (EET) / 8.00 to 13.00 (CET) ) is hybrid,  online web streaming is open to the public. Follow the discussion and updates on @ERGO_Network & @ChachipenEU Twitter accounts. The conference will offer Spanish/English translation.

Please contact Isabela Mihalache (i.mihalache@ergonetwork.org) to join the event online. 

Participation in person is invitation only

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This project is funded by the European Union’s Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020) and  counts with a kind contribution from the German Federal Foreign Office.

Organizers

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About CHACHIPEN

Project description about CHACHIPEN – Paving the way for Truth and Reconciliation Process to address antigypsyism in Europe: Remembrance, Recognition, Justice and Trust-Building.

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German Independent Commission on Antigypsyism 2019 – 2021

German Independent Commission on Antigypsyism 2019 – 2021

National Research Report by Anja Reuss
Experiences, lessons learned and recommendations regarding the Independent Commission on Antigypsyism in Germany [Unabhängige Kommission Antiziganismus]. Chachipen has produced four country reports that provide the evidence and baseline for the calls for a larger debate on transitional justice.

The establishment of a commission on antigypsyism in the German context is the result of a long political process that has been driven mainly by the demands and advocacy of the Sinti and Roma civil society. The key player is the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, which has been working for more than 40 years for the civil rights of this national minority, and consequently has acquired a status as a politically recognised representative of their interests.

In this report, Dr. Anja Reuss analyses the process and impact of the Independent Commission on Antigypsyism in Germany [Unabhängige Kommission Antiziganismus]. It is based on desk research and semi-structured interviews with key actors from politics and civil society.

The Commission’s assignment was to submit a report by the end of the legislative term and to make recommendations for action by the German Government. However, the Commission was fully independent in determining its work programme, which all interviewees deemed particularly important.

Six central demands were formulated in the Commission’s report. The first was that a Federal Government Commissioner against Antigypsyism was appointed. One of the Commissioner’s tasks is to coordinate interministerial measures based on the Commission’s recommendations.

The swift appointment of a commissioner indicates that the new German government is seriously committed to paying more attention to the issue of antigypsyism.

The under-representation of Sinti and Roma appointees to the Commission was strongly criticised. The Commission has compensated for this lack of Romani scholars and perspectives by specifically contracting Sinti and Roma expert opinions and external studies.

The Commission’s independence was considered crucial, but an adequate budget for its work was also essential. All the interviewees noted the short timeframe for implementation of the Commission’s work and the ill-timed submission of its report, shortly before the end of the legislative term. An earlier start in the legislative period rather than halfway through would have been ideal.

The Commission’s work saw both gains and limitations. Its independence meant it could set its own agenda and not be dictated to in terms of content, but the limited timescale meant that it also had to restrict itself. This resulted in a lot of gaps in the required research and actions. Topics have fallen off the agenda because there was not enough time, such as a more detailed look at the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic. The tight timeframe also meant the commissioned expertise was often limited to essentials.

The German government should have considered, when appointing the Commission, how to handle the findings and recommendations of the report, and how to incorporate them into other policy processes (e.g. the German National Roma Integration Strategies (NRIS) and national anti-racism and anti-discrimination policies).

The Commission contributed substantially to a broader and deeper understanding of structural and institutional antigypsyism. However, the phenomenon of antigypsyism is still largely unknown to the general public. To this day, hatred and discrimination against Sinti and Roma is largely socially accepted or disregarded. The Commission was appointed exclusively for the compilation of the report, but not for transmitting the results to the public sphere and the political arena. Unfortunately, there was little effort on the part of the German government to communicate the findings of the report. The opportunity to use the Commission’s consolidated expertise to reflect on the results politically and socially, to discuss them and to deal with them further in the various expert committees in consultation with the members of the Commission, has been missed.

Recommendations

  • The results of the Commission’s report must be included in the NIRS as well as in other national anti-racism and anti-discrimination policy processes.
  • The political representation of Sinti and Roma in decision-making processes must be ensured, both in the appointment of relevant bodies and in the context of a broader socio-political discourse. In this context, autochthonous (or domestic) as well as allochthonous (or those who arrived later on) Sinti and Roma of both genders must be equally included.
  • Self-organisations as well as broader civil society should be included in political processes at an early stage.
  • The independence, the mandate, the appropriate timeframe and the financial and structural resources of the Commission are basic preconditions for such a commission to work successfully.
  • The appointment of a Commission should reflect the broad parliamentary spectrum’s political will and determine at the outset how the findings will be communicated and incorporated into the political process.

You can access the report here

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Reference Paper on Antigypsyism

The document ‘Antigypsyism – a reference paper’ proposes a working definition of antigypsyism, that reflects a broad but systematic understanding of the phenomenon. The paper explores characteristics and background of antigypsyism, as well as the dimensions along which it manifests itself.

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